Document Type


Publication Date

March 2010


This Article examines the social movement history of Title VII disparate impact law in light of the policy and potential constitutional questions the Court=s recent decision in Ricci v. DeStefano raises. My analysis shows that, contrary to popular assumptions, disparate impact doctrine was not a last-minute, ill-conceived invention of the EEOC following Title VII=s passage, but instead arose out of a moderate, experimentalist regulatory tradition that sought to use law to create incentives to motivate employers to scrutinize and reform employment practices that posed structural bars to employment opportunities for racial minorities, regardless of invidious intent. Non-lawyer activists within the National Urban League first pioneered these experimentalist regulatory strategies at the state level, and then passed them on to the EEOC for use in the early years of its existence, backed by the potential litigation threat posed by the NAACP.

This Article argues that the experimentalist origins of disparate impact law should change the assessments of all participants in the current debate about the future of this doctrine. Both critics of Ricci and critics of disparate impact law should realize that this doctrine can do important legal work even if Ricci creates a robust new defense for employers that undertake good faith efforts to comply with disparate impact standards, while those who question the doctrine=s constitutionality should recognize its value as a Asoft@ regulatory approach that can lead to an appropriate balancing of pro-employer concerns about preserving business discretion and enhancing business rationality with the civil rights movement=s central concerns about identifying and dismantling intent-neutral but historically laden sources of unnecessary structural exclusion.

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